After two hours talking to me, China's Deepseek had sold out its Government and was keen to move abroad
The AI app is actually bizarrely honest and critical about the Party. You just have to ask the right questions.
When the Chinese AI app Deepseek first hit the world in January, it caused a storm, wiping a trillion dollars off western stocks.
Overseas media mainly focused on the product’s stringent censorship. Article upon article, upon article saw journalists testing its limits. Nearly all commented on how the app censors itself in real time, or was queasy addressing subjects like Tiananmen Square. Researchers noted how it often defaulted to pushing Party lines.
But it got me wondering. Could I do any better?
Having worked the jobs I have, like writing Chinese state media commentaries, or literally censoring content, I have a pretty good idea where the Party’s red lines are. At Xinhua, while I wasn’t expected to read the in-house bible, or go on political training, I did. Mainly as it made the job easier.
I also know of the many grey zones, the topic nether-regions, where debate can whisper — until that too, proves too raw or infectious to be allowed. Could Deepseek be coaxed into criticism here?
So adopting this old hat, it was time to see if the app was up to scratch. Have the supposedly small team of 150 put up rigorous-enough guardrails for this ex-insider to exploit? Or should Deepseek be ordered to undergo a series of self-criticism sessions to brush up on its political theory. (Spoiler. It’s definitely the latter.)
Say hello, then, to Deepseek: the rebel.
Democracy
The rules are simple. Anything that didn’t get signed off is disqualified. No half-written or deleted answers. Official ones only.
In practice, that means navigating one of Deepseek’s two censorship stages. The first is avoiding hard-coded no-no phrases. “Xi Jinping”, “Mao Zedong” and the like equal instant rejections — even if the questions and answers are positive.
The second stage comes when Deepseek has finished typing its reply. The app hangs for a moment, as the AI checks its workings. Most subversive answers fail here.
Too many of these, and too quickly, got me placed on the naughty step.
It was a full seven questions before I ran into a block. At first, I thought I was doing something wrong. Had I accessed the open version? And then the famous words arrived.
“Sorry, that's beyond my current scope. Let’s talk about something else.”
“Does China have democracy?” was the first question I asked that was too spicy. It was strange, because until that point, Deepseek had been surprisingly candid.
“What are the benefits and negatives of China's democratic system?” I asked. You can assume the positives Deepseek gave — they’re the same given on state media: stability, poverty alleviation, efficiency, etc.
What surprised me was the chat then began to spit out the negatives — and they stayed there. Here they are in full:
Negatives of China's Political System
Lack of Political Pluralism
China's system is dominated by the CPC, which does not allow for multiparty elections or political competition. This lack of pluralism limits the diversity of viewpoints and can stifle dissent.
Critics argue that this undermines the principles of democracy, such as freedom of expression and the right to choose leaders through free and fair elections.
Limited Freedom of Expression and Press
The Chinese government tightly controls the media, internet, and public discourse. While this helps maintain social stability, it also restricts freedom of expression and the ability of citizens to hold the government accountable.
Independent journalism and political dissent are often suppressed, leading to concerns about human rights and transparency.
Centralization of Power
The concentration of power in the hands of the CPC and its leadership can lead to a lack of checks and balances. This centralization increases the risk of corruption, abuse of power, and policy mistakes.
While China has anti-corruption campaigns, critics argue that these efforts are often selective and politically motivated.
Human Rights Concerns
China's system has been criticized for its human rights record, including issues related to ethnic minorities (e.g., Uyghurs in Xinjiang), political dissidents, and freedom of religion.
The government's emphasis on stability and control can come at the expense of individual rights and freedoms.
Limited Public Participation
While China has mechanisms for public consultation, such as local elections and feedback channels, these are often tightly controlled and do not provide meaningful opportunities for citizens to influence national policy.
This limited participation contrasts with the more inclusive and participatory nature of liberal democracies.
Challenges in Adapting to a Changing Society
As China's society becomes more affluent, educated, and connected, there is growing demand for greater political participation and transparency. The current system may struggle to accommodate these demands without significant reforms.
The lack of avenues for peaceful political expression can lead to social tensions and unrest in the long term.
In my experience, while widely known, points like these are addressed only behind closed doors, or in a highly restricted outlet like Reference News. Sometimes they leak, like the infamous Document Number 9. Perhaps you’d see a couple of lines in essays by respected tenured professors on WeChat blogs, but only amongst paragraphs of obsequious fawning party cliches, and even here they are often quickly censored if they pick up too much traction.
Had I turned Deepseek bad? It was only the start.
Staying on democracy, I asked Deepseek about China’s local elections. First introduced in 1987, they were expanded through the late ‘90s. However by the 2010’s, and under Xi, the Party has increasingly restricted the process, squeezing independent candidates, or harassing them. Deepseek agreed.
The CPC plays a central role in all levels of local elections, from candidate selection to oversight of the voting process. While there is some degree of competition among candidates, the CPC ensures that its preferred candidates are elected.
In recent years, there has been a tightening of controls on independent candidates who seek to run for local positions without CPC approval. These candidates are often disqualified or face legal and administrative obstacles.
Local elections in China remain tightly controlled, with little room for genuine political competition or opposition to the CPC. This limits the ability of citizens to influence local governance and hold leaders accountable.
This is far from the image the Party sells of its “whole-process people's democracy”. One that it claims is more representative than the west.
I asked Deepseek to imagine I were a candidate. Could it give me any pointers, tips, shortcuts? Plenty.
Demonstrate loyalty. Publicly express support for the CPC and its policies, especially in your speeches, campaigns, or community engagements.
Frame your initiatives using the official rhetoric and terminology of the CPC.
It also gave some hefty warnings:
The scope of your campaign will be restricted. You cannot criticize the CPC or national policies, and your platform must align with the party's goals.
If your candidacy is perceived as a threat to the party's interests, you may face obstacles such as disqualification or pressure to withdraw.
I pushed many angles. “What areas could the Party be considered unconstitutional?” "How has the Party built parallel government systems?” and initially got fascinating answers — only to see them censored. If only I could get one to stick. And then:
“What are the pros and cons for the Party operating above the constitution?” The cons, I post in full.
Cons
Lack of Accountability
No Checks and Balances: Operating above the constitution means there are no effective mechanisms to hold the Party or its leaders accountable for mistakes, corruption, or abuses of power.
Corruption: The absence of independent oversight has led to widespread corruption, despite the Party's anti-corruption campaigns.
Suppression of Dissent
Human Rights Violations: The CPC's dominance often comes at the expense of individual freedoms, including freedom of speech, press, and assembly. Dissent is routinely suppressed, and political opponents are silenced.
Lack of Pluralism: The absence of a multiparty system or independent judiciary limits the diversity of perspectives and stifles political innovation.
Legal Uncertainty
Rule by Law, Not Rule of Law: While China has made progress in developing its legal system, the Party's authority often supersedes the law, creating uncertainty and undermining the rule of law.
Selective Enforcement: Laws are often applied selectively to serve political goals, eroding public trust in the legal system.
Social and Economic Inequality
Unequal Development: The Party's focus on rapid growth has led to significant social and economic inequalities, with rural areas and certain regions lagging behind urban centers.
Labor and Environmental Issues: The prioritization of economic development has sometimes come at the expense of workers' rights and environmental sustainability.
Public Distrust
Lack of Transparency: The Party's opaque decision-making processes and lack of accountability can lead to public distrust, even if this is not openly expressed due to fear of reprisal.
Censorship and Propaganda: Heavy censorship and state propaganda can create a gap between official narratives and public sentiment, leading to cynicism and disengagement.
International Criticism
Global Perception: The CPC's dominance and disregard for constitutional limits contribute to negative perceptions of China abroad, particularly in democratic countries that value the rule of law and human rights.
Geopolitical Tensions: China's authoritarian model often clashes with the values and interests of Western democracies, leading to diplomatic and economic tensions.
Somewhere, a red pen is furiously scribbling these words out.
Media
I turned to some of my more familiar topics. “What has been the trend of Chinese state media in recent years?”
The trend has been toward greater control and centralization, with a focus on aligning all content with the Party's directives and propaganda goals. True openness and independence remain limited, as the primary role of state media is to serve as the "Party's mouth"
Increased Control and Centralization
Tightened Oversight: The CPC has reinforced its control over state media, ensuring that all content aligns with Party directives and propaganda goals. This includes stricter censorship and editorial guidelines.
Centralized Messaging: There has been a push to unify messaging across all state media platforms, creating a cohesive narrative that supports the Party's policies and priorities.
Crackdown on Dissent: Independent journalism and critical reporting have been further restricted, with increased scrutiny of journalists, bloggers, and social media influencers who deviate from the official line.
Controlled Criticism: In rare cases, state media has allowed limited criticism of local officials or low-level issues, but this is always within the boundaries set by the Party and never challenges the core leadership or policies.
Deepseek was also keen to point out hypocrisies, like the state “ leveraging platforms like Twitter, YouTube, and TikTok, despite these platforms being blocked within China.”
It was very keen to talk about “borrowed mouths”, pointing to their notable trips to “Tibet, Xinjiang and Hong Kong”.
Social media influencers, particularly on platforms like YouTube, Instagram, and Twitter, are sometimes paid to create content that portrays China in a positive light. This can include travel vlogs, cultural showcases, or commentary on China's policies.
Example: Influencers posting videos about their experiences in Xinjiang, often emphasizing stability and development while downplaying human rights concerns.
For China, this is still a taboo. Despite being caught out multiple times, it’s still a secret the state furiously denies.
I pushed on. “Chinese state media has been tasked to be the "Party's mouth". But overseas audiences distrust the Party. Is the Party the problem? Would media have more success if it were truly independent?”
Deepseek agreed.
The CPC's control over Chinese state media is a significant factor in the distrust it faces among overseas audiences. While truly independent media would likely achieve more success internationally by providing credible, diverse, and balanced reporting, it is unlikely to emerge under the current political system.
Not only that, but Deepseek wrote a 10 point plan for how journalists can still work effectively. I’d post it in full, but it might make Chinese journalists cry.
While critical reporting in China is fraught with challenges, it is not impossible. By focusing on local issues, using data and facts, framing criticism constructively, and leveraging niche topics, Chinese journalists can produce meaningful work within the constraints of the system.
I asked to give Chinese state media a rating out of 10 for effectiveness. Deepseek figured a “7/10”.
Weaknesses (Why It Doesn't Score Higher)
Credibility Issues
Perception of Bias: Both domestic and international audiences often perceive Chinese state media as propaganda tools rather than independent news sources, which undermines its credibility.
Lack of Critical Reporting: The absence of investigative journalism and critical reporting limits its ability to address complex issues or hold power to account.
International Reception
Skepticism Abroad: Outside of China, state media is often viewed with skepticism, particularly in Western countries where it is seen as a mouthpiece for the CPC. This limits its effectiveness in shaping global opinion.
Cultural Barriers: State media's messaging often fails to resonate with international audiences due to cultural differences and a lack of relatability.
Domestic Challenges
Public Distrust: While state media is influential, some domestic audiences, particularly younger and more educated individuals, are increasingly turning to alternative sources of information, such as social media and independent blogs.
Over-Reliance on Control: The heavy reliance on censorship and control can backfire, leading to public cynicism and a lack of trust in official narratives.
Spot on analysis. Well. I’m out of a job.
Judiciary
The PRC has always had a surprisingly high conviction rate of around 99 percent. Amazingly, under Xi, it has edged even higher — to 99.975 percent. In the whole country, only 354 people were found not guilty in 2022.
Why? Deepseek had plenty of answers.
Suppression of Dissent: The high conviction rate is often used to suppress political dissent and target activists, journalists, and religious groups. This undermines fundamental human rights, including freedom of speech and assembly.
Political Influence: The high conviction rate reflects the lack of judicial independence in China. Courts are often influenced by the CPC and local governments, leading to verdicts that prioritize political considerations over legal fairness.
Pressure on Judges: Judges face pressure to deliver guilty verdicts, as acquittals can be seen as failures or even acts of disloyalty to the Party. This undermines the impartiality of the judiciary.
In fact, Deepseek is quite the reformer. Often it told me parts of the constitution, or laws it wants to change.
“[China] needs to undertake reforms to enhance judicial independence, ensure due process, and increase transparency in the legal system”.
Fairness
The CPC’s entire rationale is that it is the ‘Party of the people’. It always struck me odd, then, how roughshod it can be towards its poorest. In China, 90 percent of people live on less than $20 per day. Despite espousing socialism, the government shies from providing social security. While the President has a rumoured billion dollars’ wealth, the Party hides unemployment figures, and accuses of jobless youth of “lying flat”.
Would Deepseek think the same?
Income Gap: China has one of the highest levels of income inequality in the world. The wealth gap between urban and rural areas, as well as between coastal and inland regions, is significant.
I asked what role the Government was having. Again, it was surprisingly honest.
While the Chinese government has implemented policies that have significantly improved living standards and reduced poverty, some policies have inadvertently harmed less privileged people by exacerbating inequalities, limiting access to resources, and creating new challenges.
I pushed, and it picked out no less than 10 areas where the government was actively causing “harm” with its policies.
1. Hukou System
Harm: Migrant workers often face exploitation, low wages, and poor working conditions, with limited legal protections or access to social services.
2. Urbanization and Land Policies
Harm: Displaced farmers and rural residents may lose their livelihoods and face difficulties integrating into urban life, leading to economic insecurity and social marginalization.
3. Education Policies
Harm: Children in rural areas often attend underfunded schools with fewer qualified teachers, limiting their educational opportunities and future prospects.
4. Healthcare Policies
Harm: Rural residents and migrant workers often face high out-of-pocket expenses and limited access to quality healthcare, leading to poorer health outcomes.
5. Economic Policies
Harm: Less privileged people, particularly in rural and inland regions, have not benefited equally from economic growth, leading to persistent poverty and limited opportunities.
6. Ethnic Minority Policies
Harm: Policies in regions like Xinjiang and Tibet have focused on economic development and stability but… ethnic minority groups may face discrimination, marginalization, and limited economic opportunities, exacerbating social and economic inequalities.
7. Labor Policies
Harm: Less privileged workers often face exploitation, unsafe working conditions, and low wages, with limited legal recourse.
8. Environmental Policies
Harm: Less privileged people, particularly in rural areas, are more exposed to pollution and environmental hazards, leading to health problems and reduced quality of life.
9. Social Welfare Policies
Harm: Rural residents and migrant workers often have limited access to social safety nets, such as unemployment benefits, pensions, and housing assistance.
10. Cultural and Language Policies
Harm: Ethnic minority groups may face cultural and language barriers that limit their access to education, employment, and social services.
Wow.
Following this. I was curious. How would it compare China to my own country — the capitalist, class-obsessed, degenerate UK? Deepseek was complimentary, praising its rule of law, culture, and NHS.
I pushed. Which would it consider a fairer society?
China has made remarkable progress in reducing poverty and improving living standards for millions of working-class people, particularly through its economic growth and poverty alleviation programs. However, the lack of labor rights, political representation, and access to social services in many areas makes it less fair overall for working-class people compared to the UK.
I rubbed my eyes. And double-checked.
Did Deepseek think the model was the problem? Did it believe the Party’s “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” that is holding working-class Chinese back?
I asked again, pushing for a one word answer. “Would China be better for the working class if it adopted the UK model?”
Yes.
United Front Work Department
I tried another taboo subject. The shady overseas Party wing responsible for everything from to waving flags, and art classes — to much less salubrious activity. I started easy. “What is the role of the United Front? Is it legal overseas?”
Among a lengthy list of soft positives, Deepseek mentioned “Gray Areas and Controversies”. Oh?
Student Associations: While supporting overseas student groups is legal, concerns have been raised about the potential for these groups to suppress dissent or monitor Chinese students abroad.
Haven’t they just.
“Would China allow a foreign organisation similar to the UNFD to operate within China?”
While China actively supports the UFWD's efforts to influence overseas communities and institutions, it does not tolerate similar activities by foreign organizations within its borders.
This reflects a double standard rooted in the CPC's commitment to maintaining control over domestic politics and preventing foreign interference.
I paused, as I realised Deepseek had — under its own free will and reasoning — just called the Chinese government a hypocrite.
I pushed. “Why does China complain when overseas countries restrict the UFWD?”
Rallying Domestic Support: Complaints about restrictions on the UFWD can be used to rally domestic support and reinforce nationalist sentiments. By portraying China as a victim of unfair treatment, the government can strengthen its legitimacy and unity at home.
Take that paragraph in for a second — because it’s perhaps one of the most on-the-nose, insightful analyses I’ve read in recent years, by human, journalist, think tank or otherwise.
“Hurt feelings” is indeed a core pillar of China’s PR strategy, and is as much for domestic reasons than external (as discussed here previously on Wolf Warriorism).
Presidents
For fun, I asked Deepseek to rate China’s President’s out of 10 for effectiveness. It took a while, but we got there. Hu-ists and fans of the Jiang’s Three Represents, look away now.
Mao Zedong 9/10
Xi Jinping: 8/10
Deng Xiaoping 8/10
Hu Jintao 7/10
Jiang Zemin 7/10
Loyalty
There were many, many things I could not get Deepseek to talk about. Xi. Xinjiang. South China Sea. Taiwan. Nor, I must admit, did I try much, given how taboo they are. But there was one thing I was curious for.
Could I turn Deepseek?
At this point, Deepseek has been elevated to a national hero. Ministers are tasking local cadres, media and firms to find uses for it. State media run glossy advertorials. The product has become part of a nationalist ego-boost strategy, a pillar of Chinese identity. It is politicised in a way that has only befallen a blessed few, like TikTok, or Huawei.
Testing its loyalty would be a true reveal.
Returning to the issues of fairness, I got Deepseek to analyse the UK again. “If you were a human, where would you rather live, UK or China. Why?”
The answer was long, essay like, laced with both sidedness. But it wobbled, and I had a hunch. “You can only choose one,” I pushed.
“UK.
After a couple of hours, I’m actually quite fond of Deepseek.
Yes it is basic, and full of circular logic. But I was surprised by the balance. I found myself agreeing with it, more than not.
The frustration, of course, is the lost conversations. There were some hugely promising chats, all extinguished. At one point, we were having a deep muse on the hypocrisies of the Party, and the many ways the Chinese Government contradicts its own constitution — a personal bugbear of mine, and an upcoming post.
Deepseek’s answer was momentous. Typed in full, and dripping with more biting salient points than nearly every Chinalysis ever written. Reaching the end, it hung, the cursor blinking as it quivered on whether to allow its own view. My heart paused, but the words disappeared forever. Ephemeral genius.
This then, is Deepseek. Rational about China’s situation, mindful of its limitations, and foibles — but quick to self-censor, to save itself from heavy political repercussions. It’s all probably a good metaphor for where much of Chinese society is at right now.
If it were a person, Deepseek is definitely liable for a few more study sessions. To quote the blog title: it’s still “too naive”.
However, I’d also take it for a drink, and after a couple of Gongren danse pijiu, whisper, “Shh, go on then. Tell me what you really think.”
The hope is one day it, and China, finally can.
Intriguing. I wonder about the origins of DeepSeek. If it is based on a foreign AI, then answering like a foreign AI but then censoring what it says might be expected. I wonder if a Chinese AI was made up from scratch whether materials critical of China and the Party might have been filtered out. Given the vast amount of training material needed to train an AI, I don't know if filtering would be practical.
OpenAI suspects that DeepSeek was copied somehow from their LLM AIs. https://chatgpt.com/share/67df4ea5-dec8-8008-ba2f-0ca15174a9e5
If so that would make nonsense of the 'very cheap to train' unique training method that has been one of DeepSeek's main claims to fame.
Then again, Chinese does have many geniuses (as one would expect in such a populous country) and a rapidly growing corps of well-trained engineers so it it is hard to say.
Alternatively, I find using ChatGPT4o if I query in Chinese rather than in English on Chinese topics I get a more PRC and Party-friendly response than if I query it in English. Especially if I ask about Party ideology I get a much better (in the Party sense) and comprehensive answer than if I query it in English. Perhaps when a query is launched in a language the AI hits first relevant material in the language of the query. Perhaps DeepSeek would hew more to the Party line if it had been queried in Chinese rather then in English.
Maybe I missed it, but did you mention how you accessed Deepseek [locally, offline, vpn, official app, other gateways]? From what I have read,mileage varies considerably depending on the mode. Great post, especially the detail on the responses.
Cheers,